By African Demystifier
Internal trade
Intra-African trade records frequently understate the amount of trade—partly because of the lack of adequate statistics and partly because of the high rate of smuggling, which allows a substantial amount of traditional border trade to continue unrecorded. Apart from this, commerce between African states has been handicapped by a tendency for trade to remain concentrated within the common-currency areas and trade zones that developed among African countries during the colonial era, by the often inadequate means of transport and communication, by the lack of complementary agricultural or other products, and by the limited development of manufacturing industries.
Much of the intra-African trade consists of consumables—food, drinks, tobacco, sugar, cattle, and meat. The growth of industrialization in some countries, however, has been accompanied by an increase in the trade of durable and nondurable manufactured goods. There has also been a large amount of reexport trade between the coastal and inland states, especially in machinery, transport equipment, and spare parts.
Common-currency and trade zones that have evolved through the granting of preferences or the operation of common currencies inherited from former colonial powers include: the Economic and Monetary Community of Central Africa (CEMAC), which comprises Cameroon, Gabon, the Central African Republic, Equatorial Guinea, Chad, and the Republic of the Congo and is part of the larger Economic Community of Central African States (CEEAC), which also includes Angola, Burundi, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Sao Tome and Principe; the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), consisting of Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Côte d’Ivoire, The Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, and Togo; the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), consisting of Burundi, Comoros, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Djibouti, Egypt, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Libya, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Rwanda, Seychelles, Sudan, Swaziland, Uganda, Zambia, and Zimbabwe; the East African Community, comprising Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Rwanda, and Burundi; the Southern African Development Community (SADC), comprising Angola, Botswana, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Lesotho, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Seychelles, South Africa, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia, and Zimbabwe; and the Arab Maghreb Union (UMA), grouping Algeria, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco, and Tunisia.
External trade
Since the outbreak of World War II there has been a considerable expansion in Africa’s overall external trade. The growth compares favourably with that of the other developing regions, such as Latin America. The value of imports, however, has outweighed exports for some time, resulting in huge trade imbalances for most African countries. The large expansion in African exports is generally attributed to the increase in the demand for primary commodities during World War II and in the immediate postwar reconstruction period. Subsequently the attainment of independence by a large number of African countries, especially in the early 1960s, followed by a bid for economic development, strengthened the export-expansion drive. Another reason for the rapid growth in African exports was the temporary increase in the price of primary commodities, although subsequently the general trend, except for petroleum, has been toward depressed commodity prices. The persistence of this situation has been part of the reason the economies of many African countries have become crippled by huge foreign debts.
Exports
An important factor that influenced the growth of African exports was the discovery of petroleum in several countries, notably Libya, Algeria, Nigeria, Gabon, Angola, the Republic of the Congo, and Cameroon, and the dramatic price increases brought about by the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) in the 1970s. Other factors include the discovery and the increased exploitation of minerals that are in high demand, such as diamonds—especially in Sierra Leone, the Republic of the Congo, the Central African Republic, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo—and the exploitation of other minerals, such as uranium ore.
Since achieving independence, many African countries have made attempts to diversify external trade relations. The record of achievement has been poor, however, because Africa’s trade patterns continued to reflect the influence of traditional links with the countries of western Europe. These links were further consolidated through a series of agreements, collectively called the Lomé Conventions, that guaranteed preferential access to the European Economic Community (precursor to the European Community and, later, the European Union) for various export commodities from African states and that provided European aid and investment funding. Nonetheless, a significant export trade developed with the United States and Japan.
In most African states one or two primary commodities dominate the export trade—e.g., petroleum and petroleum products in Libya, Nigeria, Algeria, Egypt, Gabon, the Republic of the Congo, and Angola; iron ore in Mauritania and Liberia; copper in Zambia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo; cotton in Chad; coffee in Burundi, Uganda, Rwanda, Ethiopia, Madagascar, Kenya, and Côte d’Ivoire; and sugar in Mauritius.
Imports
The tremendous increase of Africa’s import trade has meant that the import bill of most African states has exceeded their export earnings; in consequence, many governments have established import restrictions or subsidized many of the required imports. The bulk of imports comes from western Europe, especially countries of the European Union, with strong trade ties persisting along former colonial lines. There has, however, been a substantial increase in imports from the United States, Japan, and South Africa. Imports are needed primarily to develop manufacturing industries and are, therefore, confined for the most part to mineral fuels, industrial goods, machinery, transport equipment, and durable consumer goods.
Transportation of Africa
There were highly developed transport networks in many parts of Africa in precolonial times, and, during the colonial era that followed, these networks were restructured to penetrate into the interior from the seaports and, in the main, to serve the commercial and administrative needs of the colonial powers. Their fragmentation, which led to interregional links being but thinly developed, resulted from the juxtaposition of varied and difficult terrains, the economic artificiality of certain national frontiers, the lack of a developed intra-African trade, and the strong orientation of commodity trade with the administering countries. All of this was further complicated by the existence of vast unpopulated areas lying between the main centres.
The emergence in the 1960s of independent African governments who recognized the need to lift economies from their generally very low levels and, above all, to develop agriculture and embark on industrialization heralded improvements in economic planning, the development of transport networks, and the introduction of cheaper freight rates. But there remained a serious shortage of qualified African labour to plan and manage transport systems at the national or multinational level and, simultaneously, to keep up with the rapid development of transport technology outside Africa.
Animal transport
There is some evidence that before the arrival of the camel, which was introduced into Africa via Egypt at the time of the Arab conquest, bullocks were used either as pack animals or to draw carts from the northern countries across the Sahara to the gold-producing areas of the ancient Sudan. From the 16th century onward the Portuguese developed transport inland from the coast at Mozambique, and from the 17th century first the Dutch and then British settlers from the Cape trekked northward and northeastward with their wagons. Except in such highland areas as Ethiopia, where pack animals were and still are used, the tsetse fly often prevented the use of animal transport. With the steady progress in the development of transport infrastructure in many African countries, the use of bullocks in Southern Africa, donkeys in western and North Africa, horses in northern Nigeria, and camels in western and North Africa and the Horn of Africa has been reduced, but the extent of this reduction cannot be accurately gauged.
Motor transport
The arrival and rapid development of the internal-combustion engine in the 1920s transformed the collection and distribution of goods and personal travel. Roads were built, particularly in North and Southern Africa but also in parts of the west and east. World Bank loans since the 1950s, supplementing contributions to road and highway development from national budgets, have financed the building and improvement of road networks in many African countries.
Rail transport
The early railways were constructed partly to facilitate the administration of interior regions and to bring supplies from ports to central consumption or distribution points and partly—especially in the south—to enable valuable minerals or commodities to reach the coast for export. In Africa, as in Europe and North America, the major period of railway development extended from the end of the 19th century to the end of World War I. This expansion, however, was not coordinated: railways with different gauges of track were built and were operated with rolling stock of different braking and coupling systems. Thus, the colonizing powers left a difficult and costly legacy for independent African countries who wished to link themselves together. As with roads, rail networks have been improved considerably since the 1960s and, as a result, there has been a lowering of transport costs.
Air transport
Air transport is well suited to Africa’s geographic vastness, and it has become the primary means of international and sometimes of national travel in Africa. During the late 1940s and the ’50s, as great advances were made in the extension and improvement of rail and road services, a new transport factor emerged in the introduction of internal and international scheduled air services. The rapid development of air transport increased the movement of goods and people and began to open up the hitherto largely closed interior of the continent. Transport became much quicker and usually cheaper. Since then, internal air services have steadily increased, and intercontinental air transport, especially of passengers, has developed greatly. The largest international airports include those at Casablanca, Morocco; Las Palmas, Canary Islands; Cairo, Egypt; Dakar, Senegal; Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire; Lagos, Nigeria; Douala, Cameroon; Addis Ababa, Ethiopia; Nairobi, Kenya; and Johannesburg, South Africa.
Navigation
Historically, throughout the vast interior between the Sahara and the Zambezi River, people or goods were transported by canoe or boat on the great river systems of the Nile, Sénégal, Niger, Congo, Ubangi, and Zambezi rivers and on the few but very large lakes. Where conditions allowed, engine-powered craft later supplemented or displaced canoes, but further development of water transport has been slight. Also notable were the construction of lake ports and the installation of rail ferries across Lake Victoria.
Meanwhile, on the coasts, artificial harbours have been developed. New berths have been added to established port facilities, and a number of ports have been constructed. In planning new ports, the choice of site, probable costs, and the possibilities of using containers or other unitized loads have been taken into consideration.
Internal trade
Intra-African trade records frequently understate the amount of trade—partly because of the lack of adequate statistics and partly because of the high rate of smuggling, which allows a substantial amount of traditional border trade to continue unrecorded. Apart from this, commerce between African states has been handicapped by a tendency for trade to remain concentrated within the common-currency areas and trade zones that developed among African countries during the colonial era, by the often inadequate means of transport and communication, by the lack of complementary agricultural or other products, and by the limited development of manufacturing industries.
Much of the intra-African trade consists of consumables—food, drinks, tobacco, sugar, cattle, and meat. The growth of industrialization in some countries, however, has been accompanied by an increase in the trade of durable and nondurable manufactured goods. There has also been a large amount of reexport trade between the coastal and inland states, especially in machinery, transport equipment, and spare parts.
Common-currency and trade zones that have evolved through the granting of preferences or the operation of common currencies inherited from former colonial powers include: the Economic and Monetary Community of Central Africa (CEMAC), which comprises Cameroon, Gabon, the Central African Republic, Equatorial Guinea, Chad, and the Republic of the Congo and is part of the larger Economic Community of Central African States (CEEAC), which also includes Angola, Burundi, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Sao Tome and Principe; the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), consisting of Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Côte d’Ivoire, The Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, and Togo; the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), consisting of Burundi, Comoros, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Djibouti, Egypt, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Libya, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Rwanda, Seychelles, Sudan, Swaziland, Uganda, Zambia, and Zimbabwe; the East African Community, comprising Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Rwanda, and Burundi; the Southern African Development Community (SADC), comprising Angola, Botswana, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Lesotho, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Seychelles, South Africa, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia, and Zimbabwe; and the Arab Maghreb Union (UMA), grouping Algeria, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco, and Tunisia.
External trade
Since the outbreak of World War II there has been a considerable expansion in Africa’s overall external trade. The growth compares favourably with that of the other developing regions, such as Latin America. The value of imports, however, has outweighed exports for some time, resulting in huge trade imbalances for most African countries. The large expansion in African exports is generally attributed to the increase in the demand for primary commodities during World War II and in the immediate postwar reconstruction period. Subsequently the attainment of independence by a large number of African countries, especially in the early 1960s, followed by a bid for economic development, strengthened the export-expansion drive. Another reason for the rapid growth in African exports was the temporary increase in the price of primary commodities, although subsequently the general trend, except for petroleum, has been toward depressed commodity prices. The persistence of this situation has been part of the reason the economies of many African countries have become crippled by huge foreign debts.
Exports
An important factor that influenced the growth of African exports was the discovery of petroleum in several countries, notably Libya, Algeria, Nigeria, Gabon, Angola, the Republic of the Congo, and Cameroon, and the dramatic price increases brought about by the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) in the 1970s. Other factors include the discovery and the increased exploitation of minerals that are in high demand, such as diamonds—especially in Sierra Leone, the Republic of the Congo, the Central African Republic, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo—and the exploitation of other minerals, such as uranium ore.
Since achieving independence, many African countries have made attempts to diversify external trade relations. The record of achievement has been poor, however, because Africa’s trade patterns continued to reflect the influence of traditional links with the countries of western Europe. These links were further consolidated through a series of agreements, collectively called the Lomé Conventions, that guaranteed preferential access to the European Economic Community (precursor to the European Community and, later, the European Union) for various export commodities from African states and that provided European aid and investment funding. Nonetheless, a significant export trade developed with the United States and Japan.
In most African states one or two primary commodities dominate the export trade—e.g., petroleum and petroleum products in Libya, Nigeria, Algeria, Egypt, Gabon, the Republic of the Congo, and Angola; iron ore in Mauritania and Liberia; copper in Zambia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo; cotton in Chad; coffee in Burundi, Uganda, Rwanda, Ethiopia, Madagascar, Kenya, and Côte d’Ivoire; and sugar in Mauritius.
Imports
The tremendous increase of Africa’s import trade has meant that the import bill of most African states has exceeded their export earnings; in consequence, many governments have established import restrictions or subsidized many of the required imports. The bulk of imports comes from western Europe, especially countries of the European Union, with strong trade ties persisting along former colonial lines. There has, however, been a substantial increase in imports from the United States, Japan, and South Africa. Imports are needed primarily to develop manufacturing industries and are, therefore, confined for the most part to mineral fuels, industrial goods, machinery, transport equipment, and durable consumer goods.
Transportation of Africa
There were highly developed transport networks in many parts of Africa in precolonial times, and, during the colonial era that followed, these networks were restructured to penetrate into the interior from the seaports and, in the main, to serve the commercial and administrative needs of the colonial powers. Their fragmentation, which led to interregional links being but thinly developed, resulted from the juxtaposition of varied and difficult terrains, the economic artificiality of certain national frontiers, the lack of a developed intra-African trade, and the strong orientation of commodity trade with the administering countries. All of this was further complicated by the existence of vast unpopulated areas lying between the main centres.
The emergence in the 1960s of independent African governments who recognized the need to lift economies from their generally very low levels and, above all, to develop agriculture and embark on industrialization heralded improvements in economic planning, the development of transport networks, and the introduction of cheaper freight rates. But there remained a serious shortage of qualified African labour to plan and manage transport systems at the national or multinational level and, simultaneously, to keep up with the rapid development of transport technology outside Africa.
Animal transport
There is some evidence that before the arrival of the camel, which was introduced into Africa via Egypt at the time of the Arab conquest, bullocks were used either as pack animals or to draw carts from the northern countries across the Sahara to the gold-producing areas of the ancient Sudan. From the 16th century onward the Portuguese developed transport inland from the coast at Mozambique, and from the 17th century first the Dutch and then British settlers from the Cape trekked northward and northeastward with their wagons. Except in such highland areas as Ethiopia, where pack animals were and still are used, the tsetse fly often prevented the use of animal transport. With the steady progress in the development of transport infrastructure in many African countries, the use of bullocks in Southern Africa, donkeys in western and North Africa, horses in northern Nigeria, and camels in western and North Africa and the Horn of Africa has been reduced, but the extent of this reduction cannot be accurately gauged.
Motor transport
The arrival and rapid development of the internal-combustion engine in the 1920s transformed the collection and distribution of goods and personal travel. Roads were built, particularly in North and Southern Africa but also in parts of the west and east. World Bank loans since the 1950s, supplementing contributions to road and highway development from national budgets, have financed the building and improvement of road networks in many African countries.
Rail transport
The early railways were constructed partly to facilitate the administration of interior regions and to bring supplies from ports to central consumption or distribution points and partly—especially in the south—to enable valuable minerals or commodities to reach the coast for export. In Africa, as in Europe and North America, the major period of railway development extended from the end of the 19th century to the end of World War I. This expansion, however, was not coordinated: railways with different gauges of track were built and were operated with rolling stock of different braking and coupling systems. Thus, the colonizing powers left a difficult and costly legacy for independent African countries who wished to link themselves together. As with roads, rail networks have been improved considerably since the 1960s and, as a result, there has been a lowering of transport costs.
Air transport
Air transport is well suited to Africa’s geographic vastness, and it has become the primary means of international and sometimes of national travel in Africa. During the late 1940s and the ’50s, as great advances were made in the extension and improvement of rail and road services, a new transport factor emerged in the introduction of internal and international scheduled air services. The rapid development of air transport increased the movement of goods and people and began to open up the hitherto largely closed interior of the continent. Transport became much quicker and usually cheaper. Since then, internal air services have steadily increased, and intercontinental air transport, especially of passengers, has developed greatly. The largest international airports include those at Casablanca, Morocco; Las Palmas, Canary Islands; Cairo, Egypt; Dakar, Senegal; Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire; Lagos, Nigeria; Douala, Cameroon; Addis Ababa, Ethiopia; Nairobi, Kenya; and Johannesburg, South Africa.
Navigation
Historically, throughout the vast interior between the Sahara and the Zambezi River, people or goods were transported by canoe or boat on the great river systems of the Nile, Sénégal, Niger, Congo, Ubangi, and Zambezi rivers and on the few but very large lakes. Where conditions allowed, engine-powered craft later supplemented or displaced canoes, but further development of water transport has been slight. Also notable were the construction of lake ports and the installation of rail ferries across Lake Victoria.
Meanwhile, on the coasts, artificial harbours have been developed. New berths have been added to established port facilities, and a number of ports have been constructed. In planning new ports, the choice of site, probable costs, and the possibilities of using containers or other unitized loads have been taken into consideration.
Boosting Africa’s intra-regional and international trade requires a good understanding of the African trade finance landscape, including the identification of markets where the need is greatest. This column presents some of the major patterns of the market in Africa using primary survey data from commercial banks. Banks intermediate almost a third of trade activities across the continent, but still reject a significant value of trade finance applications mainly due to weak client creditworthiness and inadequate collateral.
AUTHORS
Mouhamadou Sy
Mouna Ben Dhaou
Lamin M Drammeh
Eugene Bempong Nyantakyi
SHARE
One of the observed features of global trade is that Africa consistently accounts for a limited share – less than 5% in terms of exports (Figure 1). For decades, trade experts have identified several factors for this low participation. From low productive capacity to high market access barriers, the literature is rife with myriad explanations. However, not much has been written about access to trade finance and its impact on Africa’s participation in international trade. For policymakers, such a knowledge gap presents significant challenges for appropriate trade policy formulation and implementation.
Figure 1. Share of regional exports in total world exports
Source: WTO World Trade Data, 2015
To overcome some of this knowledge gap, in 2013 the African Development Bank (AfDB) started collecting data on trade finance activities of commercial banks across Africa, which culminated into the publication of the first continent-wide Trade Finance in Africa report in 2014. The aim is to track and estimate the size of bank-intermediated trade finance, magnitude of the financing gap (unmet demand) and supply-side challenges among others. A second survey was conducted this year (AfDB 2016), the findings of which are briefly presented here.
Size of bank-intermediated trade finance in Africa
The size of bank-intermediated trade finance in Africa averaged about $371 billion from 2011 to 2014 (Figure 2) and represented approximately 31% of total African trade. This relatively low level of intermediation suggests that a significant share of African trade still relies on inter-firm trade credit through open accounts as well as cash-in-advance transactions. In terms of distribution by client segment, a disproportionate share (58%) of bank-intermediated trade finance is on account of banks’ top 10 clients. Although SMEs constitute more than 80% of enterprises in Africa, they account for only 28% of banks’ trade finance portfolio.
Figure 2. African trade and size of bank-intermediated trade finance ($ billion)
Source: World Trade Organisation and authors’ calculations
Unmet demand: Trade finance gap in Africa
Unmet trade finance demand is a good indicator of banks’ capacity to provide trade credit, but estimating the size of this gap is often a tricky task. Using the estimated size of bank-intermediated trade finance and the rejection rate of customer requests by banks, the trade finance gap in Africa is conservatively estimated at $91 billion in 2014. Although this represents a decline compared to previous years, there is an emerging and consistent picture that the gap is still significant and ranges between $90 billion and $ 120 billion (Figure 3).
Figure 3. Trade finance gap in Africa ($ billion)
Source: Authors’ calculation
Reasons for trade finance application rejection
Although trade finance assets are often short-term and asset-backed (in terms of the traded goods being financed), banks still cite poor client creditworthiness (36%) and insufficient collateral (30%) as the main reasons for rejecting trade finance demands by clients (Figure 4). We believe these reasons reflect the generally weak credit assessment infrastructure in Africa rather than any peculiarities of the trade finance market in particular.
Figure 4. Reasons for banks’ rejection of trade finance applications by customers (2013-2014)
Source: Authors’ calculation
Trade finance risk profile in Africa
In spite of the difficult credit risk assessment environment, trade finance is still considered by banks in Africa as a relatively low-risk activity. For any given year in our study, default rates on trade finance assets are significantly lower than the average non-performing loans ratio (NPLs) of other asset classes (Figure 5). This lower risk profile may be explained by the fact that trade finance transactions are generally asset backed, short-term and self-liquidating. However, this default rate is relatively high compared to other regions where the default rate on trade finance assets is lower than 1% on average.
Figure 5. Default rate on trade finance assets vs. NPLs of all asset classes in Africa
Source: Authors’ calculation
Trade finance devoted to intra-African trade
A large proportion of Africa’s trade is with the rest of the world rather than intra-regional. In 2014, intra-African trade accounted for only 15% of the continent’s total trade compared to 63% for the EU, 50% for North America, and 52% for Asia respectively. However, across all years for which we have data, the share of bank-intermediated trade finance dedicated to intra-Africa trade is higher than the ratio of intra-Africa trade to total trade (Figure 6). This suggests that intra-Africa trade does receive its fair share of trade finance in Africa.
Figure 6. Share of trade finance dedicated to intra-African trade
Source: Authors’ calculation
Conclusion
Trade finance in Africa is a relatively unexplored topic (recent studies on Africa include Humphrey 2009). In this column, we have presented some of the major patterns of the market in Africa using primary survey data from commercial banks spanning 2011 to 2014. We note that banks intermediate almost a third of trade activities across the continent, but still reject a significant value of trade finance applications mainly due to weak client creditworthiness and inadequate collateral. The financing gap is still sizeable, in the region of $90 billion to $120 billion. A disproportionate share of the available financing is provided to large corporates (top ten clients) at the expense of SMEs that make up more than 80% of all businesses in Africa. By helping to improve the credit assessment environment and providing targeted support for both banks and enterprises, particularly SMEs, national governments and development finance institutions can play a significant role in improving the trade finance landscape in Africa.
https://www.worldometers.info/population/countries-in-africa-by-population/